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silent invaders: how foreign syndicates import hard drugs, exploit nigerians

Silent invaders: How foreign syndicates import hard drugs, exploit Nigerians

Silent invaders: How foreign syndicates import hard drugs, exploit Nigerians插图

Nigeria, Africa’s most populous nation and one of its most resource-rich is not only a hub for trade and commerce but has, over the years, become a magnet for foreigners seeking opportunities. However, alongside legitimate economic engagement lies a dark and insidious trend — an increasing number of foreign nationals exploiting Nigeria’s legal and security loopholes to commit crimes, GODFREY GEORGE writes

It is often Nigerians living abroad who make the headlines for drug-related crimes—paraded by authorities, jailed for trafficking or apprehended at international airports.

But, on October 3, 2024, there was a rare occurrence: a Canadian woman, Adrienne Munju, was apprehended while attempting to smuggle 74 parcels of “Canadian loud,” a potent strain of synthetic cannabis, weighing 35.20 kilogrammes, into Nigeria.

She was intercepted at Terminal One of the Murtala Muhammed International Airport, Lagos, during the routine inward clearance of passengers arriving from Canada.

When confronted, Munju confessed to being recruited online to deliver the narcotics for 10,000 Canadian dollars. She admitted that financial hardship, exacerbated by the pressure of paying for her ongoing master’s degree in Canada, led her to accept the job.

Days after her arrest, a Federal High Court in Lagos, presided over by Justice Dehinde Dipeolu, convicted and sentenced Munju to 11 years in prison after she pleaded guilty to the charges levelled against her by the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency.

After hearing the allocution by her counsel, Justice Dipeolu sentenced Munju to six years for count one and five years for count two. The judge, however, gave her the option of a fine—N50m on each count, totalling N100 million.

Munju was not the first arrest of a foreign national involved in drug trafficking. Three years earlier, specifically in October 2021, another significant case was recorded.

The NDLEA arrested 29 suspects, including 21 foreign crew members and a Thai national, Captain Tanahan Krilerk, aboard the ship MV Chayaneenaree.

They were caught attempting to smuggle over 30kgs of cocaine into Nigeria through the Apapa seaport in Lagos.

Following intelligence reports from international partners and assistance from the Nigerian Navy, Customs, DSS, and police, the ship was intercepted.

The Federal High Court in Lagos granted NDLEA’s application for interim attachment of the vessel and detained the foreign crew and their Nigerian counterparts involved in the operation.

Interestingly, not much was heard about the case after it was adjourned till November of the same year.

Complex drug networks

These cases reveal the complex international networks exploiting Nigeria’s porous borders for drug trafficking.

Based on findings, foreigners, particularly from countries with entrenched drug cartels, increasingly play active roles in importing illicit drugs into Nigeria.

With the deepening involvement of foreign syndicates, Nigerian authorities have been forced to ramp up efforts to curb the inflow of narcotics.

The country’s role as a transit point for hard drugs has grown steadily over the years. While foreign traffickers view Nigeria as a soft target for entry into larger markets, Nigerian criminal groups have been known to collaborate with international cartels to move these drugs.

A foreign affairs researcher, Dr Chuka Idika, told Saturday PUNCH that Nigeria’s strategic location within West Africa makes it a natural hub for drug smuggling operations.

“Nigeria connects South American cocaine producers to European and Asian drug markets, facilitating the flow of heroin from Southeast Asia into West Africa,” he revealed.

This geographical positioning, alongside under-resourced customs, porous borders, and systemic corruption, allows traffickers to take advantage of the country.

In Munju’s case, as in others, corruption plays an underlying role in facilitating these operations.

Despite strategic and sustained efforts of law enforcement agencies and international collaborations, drug cartels persist.

South American cartels, for example, collaborate with Nigerian operatives to move large quantities of cocaine through Lagos ports.

In return, Nigerian drug lords are linked to methamphetamine distribution across Southern Africa and Southeast Asia.

Though Nigerian authorities have made notable arrests, the persistence of such activities signals a larger problem: transnational criminal networks using Nigeria as a convenient gateway in the global narcotics trade.

These operations reveal that foreigners, some of whom are undocumented, are increasingly exploiting Nigeria’s weaknesses in its fight against hard drugs.

Idika added, “Nigeria’s place in the global drug trade is not merely as a victim of foreign operations but as an enabler through collaboration with international crime syndicates. Foreigners, especially those from countries with drug cartel networks, continue to exploit these vulnerabilities.”

In essence, while Nigeria has made great strides in its efforts to combat drug smuggling, the intricate web of foreign and domestic players involved in trafficking is a reminder of the ongoing battle.

Human trafficking

Human trafficking has plagued Nigeria for decades, with the country acting as both a source and transit point for trafficked persons.

Foreign nationals, particularly from North Africa, China, and parts of Europe, have played significant roles in human trafficking rings operating in the country.

These foreign criminal syndicates are involved in the trafficking of Nigerian women and children for forced labour, sexual exploitation, and even organ harvesting.

Many of these trafficked individuals end up in countries across Europe, the Middle East, and Asia, lured with false promises of employment only to end up as victims of modern-day slavery.

One of the most horrifying examples of foreign involvement in human trafficking is the illegal organ trade, where traffickers exploit vulnerable individuals, often promising them opportunities or medical assistance, only to forcibly remove their organs for profit.

This illicit trade not only violates the rights and dignity of victims but also highlights the darker side of globalisation and the urgent need for stronger international laws and enforcement mechanisms to combat such atrocities.

There have been reports of Nigerians, particularly children, trafficked to North African and Middle Eastern countries, where their organs are harvested and sold on the black market.

This highly secretive and brutal trade is facilitated by foreign actors who operate with audacious impunity, as local law enforcement agencies are often underfunded and overwhelmed by the sheer scale of the crime.

In many instances, these foreign traffickers, when apprehended, bribe their way out of legal repercussions or are quietly deported to their home countries without facing trial in Nigeria.

The powerless victims are left without any hope of justice.

In December 2023, a historic feat was recorded by the National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons.

In a bid to eradicate the incidents of human trafficking in the Country, a Federal High Court sitting in Jos, Plateau State, presided over by His Lordship, Honourable D.V Agishi, convicted a Lebanese human trafficker, Jabr Iskandar Kfour Sleiman, who sexually exploited numerous girls.

The 61-year-old was slammed with 29 months’ imprisonment without the option of a fine.

The court also ordered the Minister of Interior to deport the Lebanese because his conduct was contrary to the peace, order and corporate governance of the country.

The convict was arrested in 2021 by NAPTIP operatives with the support of some stakeholders at B/55/12 Giring Road Abattoir, Jos South Local Government Area, Plateau State, and charged with 16 counts bordering on abuse of position of vulnerability and sexual exploitation of 16 girls.

Foreign exploitation

In the heart of Kano State, a tragic tale unfolded that left many questioning the fabric of love and justice.

The bright light of Ummukulsum Buhari, a 23-year-old woman, was extinguished in September 2022 by her Chinese lover, Geng Quandong.

Known for her vivacity and dreams that soared higher than the clouds, Ummukulsum had aspirations of making a difference in the world.

Her life took a dark turn when she crossed path with the 47-year-old Chinese man, whose obsession would ultimately lead to tragedy.

Quandong’s heart, initially filled with affection, morphed into something more sinister when Ummukulsum, asserting her independence, refused to marry him. That singular refusal would later cost her dearly.

On the night of September 16, 2022, Quandong, driven by rage and jealousy, plunged a knife into Ummukulsum’s chest.

With the once-bustling household transformed into a chaotic scene of horror as she lay bleeding, neighbours rushed to her aid, but it was too late.

The echoes of her last breaths would haunt the corridors of the Murtala Muhammad Specialist Hospital, where doctors could only confirm her dead.

As the trial began a few weeks later, the courtroom became a theatre of emotions, with the prosecution presenting their case against Quandong.

The Attorney-General of the state, Haruna Dederi, representing the state, recounted the chilling events of that night.

He said, “The victim was a young woman with dreams and her life was taken by a man consumed by his desires.”

The judge, Sanusi Ado-Ma’aji, presided over the proceedings, while giving his judgment, declared, “The defendant’s testimony is inconsistent. I hereby find him guilty.”

In a world where the rich often evade the consequences of their actions, the courtroom buzzed with a mixture of relief and disbelief. Justice was served, but at what cost?

Ummukulsum’s mother, Fatima Zubairu, sat in the gallery, tears streaming down her face as she grappled with the overwhelming pain of losing her daughter.

Human rights abuse

Oluwajimi Ogungbona never imagined that September 27, 2021 would be a day his life would take a turn for the worse.

The 50-year-old father of four and a mechanic with years of expertise in wheel alignment and balancing, had built a name for himself in Ogun State.

He was no stranger to late-night calls from clients, especially from one Pastor Jacob Jide, a loyal customer, who had introduced him to a Chinese expatriate named Jeff.

What should have been another routine day of work, however, quickly became an episode of horror, violence, and injustice.

“I had reservations about going that evening,” Ogungbona recalled, his voice heavy with the weight of the memory.

The sun had set, and he felt a tug of unease in his chest, but brushed it aside, trusting Jide, his long-time client and friend.

“Jide had always called me to work on his cars in the evening, and it was never a problem. But this time, I wasn’t going to see him. I was going to see the Chinese.”

The relationship with Jeff, the expatriate, had not been without its challenges. Months earlier, the Chinese man had accused Ogungbona of stealing a catalyst from one of his cars, an accusation that cut deep into the mechanic’s integrity.

“I was hurt. I only do wheel alignment and balancing. What would I be doing with a catalyst? I am not a thief!” Ogungbona’s voice cracks as he recalls the moment.

But despite the tension, the Chinese expatriate still entrusted him with his vehicles, and Ogungbona kept working for him.

He thought the past was behind them but little did he know he was walking into a trap.

“When I got to his house with my 18-year-old son, he asked me the same question again, ‘What did you do to my Highlander?’ Before I could answer, he kicked me in my private parts.”

The pain was immediate and sharp. He collapsed to the floor, writhing in agony, barely able to process what was happening.

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Confused, he reached for his phone and called Jide, hoping his long-time client would help him out of this nightmare.

“Jide came, but even he couldn’t stop what was about to happen,” Ogungbona said.

Three soldiers appeared from the shadows, menacing and indifferent. They were there to protect the Chinese man, and he soon realised they saw him as less than human. “They said I wanted to ‘use the man’s head’ because he was a foreigner,” Ogungbona recalls bitterly. “And that’s when they started beating me.”

In the following two hours, the mechanic endured unimaginable cruelty. The soldiers tied his arms and legs, stripped him naked, and beat him mercilessly. With each blow, Ogungbona’s dignity and humanity were stripped away.

As if the physical pain wasn’t enough, the Chinese expatriate reappeared with a chilling concoction—pepper and salt—which he smeared into Ogungbona’s wounds and eyes.

“He rubbed it in my eyes, and I couldn’t see. I was screaming, writhing in pain. The soldiers threw me into the backyard like I was an animal, waiting for me to die.”

His son, witnessing his father’s ordeal, frantically called for help. When the police finally arrived, they were met with hostility from the soldiers, who threatened to shoot anyone who dared open the gate.

Ogungbona remembers the faint voice of the police officer begging to be let in: “I’m a policeman! I’m a policeman!”

His words seemed to thaw the soldiers’ cruelty, and they rushed to untie Ogungbona and dragged him outside.

They told him he had been “forgiven” by the Chinese, as if mercy had been bestowed upon him for a crime he never committed.

Bruised, battered, and half-blind, Ogungbona staggered into the arms of the police.

“If it wasn’t for the police and the boys who came, I would have died that night,” Ogungbona said.

His voice trembling, the trauma still fresh. His eyesight was damaged beyond repair, leaving him dependent on expensive eyeglasses just to see.

The beating had ravaged his body, and the once-strong mechanic now passed blood in his urine. His shop had to close, and with it, his means of livelihood.

The case was eventually transferred to the Criminal Investigation Department in Eleweran, where Jeff, the Chinese expatriate, was briefly detained before being released on bail.

The soldiers, however, have yet to face any consequences for their actions.

“I know their faces. One of them is Olushola (surname withheld). I can point him out. But they haven’t been arrested.”

This injustice—this brutal assault by soldiers sworn to protect Nigerian citizens, all in service of a foreigner— left Ogungbona broken, both physically and emotionally.

He is now a man in limbo, robbed of his ability to work, struggling to survive with his children, and traumatised to see his assailants walk free.

“I am not a slave. I am a citizen of Nigeria,” he says, his voice rising with emotion. “I have nothing, no one in high places to fight for me. But I will not rest until I get justice.”

Human right activists have over the years noted that the Nigerian government, while vocal about protecting its citizens, has been slow to address the growing issue of exploitation by foreigners.

Just like others, Ogungbona’s case reveals a troubling indifference to the plight of everyday Nigerians, who often find themselves at the mercy of those with power, money, and protection from authorities.

N’West insurgency

Foreigners from neighbouring countries like Benin, Chad, Niger, and Cameroon have long played an intricate role in Nigeria’s ongoing crisis with Boko Haram, banditry, insurgency, and the escalating farmer-herder conflict.

These foreign actors, often overlooked in the broader narrative, have had significant involvement in the violence that continues to destabilise large swaths of Nigeria, particularly in the North-East and North-West regions.

The transnational nature of these crises—where foreign militants, mercenaries, and bandits infiltrate Nigeria’s porous borders—has created a complex web of insecurity that many experts argue cannot be solved without addressing foreign complicity and collaboration.

Boko Haram, which emerged as a violent jihadist group in Nigeria around 2009, transformed into a regional threat with the capacity to recruit and operate across borders.

The group has leveraged Nigeria’s geographic proximity to neighbouring countries, particularly Chad, Niger, and Cameroon, to establish logistical support and recruit fighters.

The role of foreign fighters in Boko Haram’s operations has been well documented. A United Nations Security Council report from 2016 noted that foreign combatants, including Chadians and Nigeriens, were part of Boko Haram’s ranks.

It further revealed that these fighters often crossed Nigeria’s porous borders, taking advantage of the limited state presence and vast ungoverned spaces in the Sahel.

One key figure that has highlighted this transnational aspect is security expert, Bulama Bukarti, a prominent analyst of Boko Haram and jihadist activity in West Africa.

He has repeatedly pointed out that Boko Haram’s survival and resilience are partially due to their ability to draw recruits from neighbouring countries, particularly Chad and Niger.

These fighters often share similar cultural and ethnic backgrounds with their Nigerian counterparts, making it easier to blend into local communities.

In a piece published by the Tony Blair Institute for Global Change, Bukarti noted that “Chad has been both a victim and contributor to the Boko Haram insurgency.

The country’s role as a recruitment ground and safe haven for the group’s fighters has often been understated, but Chad’s contribution to the problem is as significant as its efforts to combat it.”

In 2015, Nigerian authorities arrested several foreign Boko Haram members, including Chadians, who were involved in orchestrating suicide bombings and attacks in Nigeria. These arrests revealed the deepening role that foreign nationals were playing in the insurgency.

In 2021, the Nigerian Army confirmed that several Chadian fighters had been killed during a clash with Boko Haram insurgents in Borno State, further underscoring the group’s reliance on foreign militants.

Farmer-herder crisis

Foreign herders, particularly from Chad, Mali, and Niger, have also been accused of exacerbating the farmer-herder conflict, with some reports suggesting that they participate in banditry and contribute to the growing lawlessness in rural areas within the North-West, North-East and Middle Belt regions.

The influx of foreign herders into Nigeria is driven by climate change, desertification, and regional instability.

As grazing land in the Sahel becomes increasingly scarce, herders are pushed southward into Nigeria, leading to competition with local farmers over fertile land. Many of these foreign herders are armed, and reports suggest that some have links to criminal networks or bandit groups.

A study by the International Crisis Group highlighted how foreign herders, many of whom are heavily armed and accustomed to violent conflict, have contributed to the escalation of violence in Nigeria.

The Nigerian government has often acknowledged the role of these foreign actors, with former President Muhammadu Buhari in 2018, stating that many of the Fulani herders involved in the attacks were foreigners from Mali and Libya, fleeing regional conflicts and bringing their weapons with them.

The Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project also identified foreign involvement in many of the attacks attributed to Fulani herders.

Their analysis showed that non-Nigerian Fulani fighters were involved in several high-profile attacks on farming communities, further complicating efforts to resolve the crisis.

Also, the rise of banditry in Nigeria, particularly in the Northwest, has been one of the most alarming security developments in recent years.

Large swaths of the region have become lawless, with armed groups—commonly referred to as bandits—terrorising villages, kidnapping for ransom, and stealing cattle. Many of these bandits are believed to have ties to foreign criminal networks, further blurring the lines between domestic and international crime.

In 2019, Nigeria’s security forces arrested a group of Nigerien and Chadian bandits involved in cross-border cattle rustling and kidnapping. These foreign criminals, according to Nigerian authorities, were part of a larger network that had been terrorising communities across Zamfara, Sokoto, and Katsina states.

These arrests, it was noted, underscored the transnational nature of the banditry crisis and the role of foreigners in fuelling the violence.

Porous borders

Nigeria’s borders, particularly those with Chad, Niger, and Cameroon, have long posed significant security challenges.

The Lake Chad Basin, where these nations meet, has been a critical point of insecurity, allowing Boko Haram and other insurgent groups to navigate freely across borders.

The absence of effective border controls has also enabled bandits and foreign criminals to enter Nigeria with relative ease.

According to a report from the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, Nigeria’s porous borders serve as a primary entry route for illegal arms, intensifying both insurgency and banditry. The report estimated that approximately 70 per cent of small arms circulating in West Africa are in Nigeria, with many smuggled through borders with Niger and Chad.

In various security operations, Nigerian authorities have arrested foreign fighters, particularly from Chad and Niger.

In one case, several Chadian nationals were detained for smuggling arms into Nigeria to support Boko Haram.

The militants confessed to working with Nigerian insurgents to destabilise the region.

The question of foreign complicity in Nigeria’s violence has been debated for years. Some experts argue that neighbouring governments, especially Chad and Niger, have not taken sufficient action to stop their citizens from joining Boko Haram or engaging in banditry. Additionally, some suggest that officials in these countries might turn a blind eye to foreign militants’ activities, whether due to corruption or political instability.

Analyst Bukarti said there is a need for enhanced regional cooperation to address the issue of foreign fighters and cross-border crime.

He suggests that strengthening the Multinational Joint Task Force — which includes Nigeria, Chad, Niger, and Cameroon — is essential for countering the growing links between foreign criminals and Nigerian insurgents.

“There’s no doubt that foreign nationals have played a significant role in the ongoing violence in Nigeria, particularly in the Northeast and Northwest. But what’s more concerning is the possibility that some foreign actors are collaborating with Nigerian militants to perpetuate the violence,” Bukarti wrote in one of his analyses.

Another trans-border conflict researcher, Mr Azeez Al-Hakim, stated that the role of foreigners in Nigeria’s Boko Haram insurgency, Farmer-Herder crisis, and banditry is undeniable.

“Addressing this issue will require more than just domestic security measures. Nigeria must strengthen its diplomatic ties with neighbouring countries and work towards a regional solution that addresses the root causes of cross-border militancy. Strengthening border controls, increasing intelligence sharing, and enhancing the capacity of the Multinational Joint Task Force are critical steps in this direction,” he noted, in an interview with our correspondent.

Govt efforts

The Comptroller General of the Nigeria Immigration Service, Kemi Nandap, has announced that the modernisation of Nigeria’s border security infrastructure is underway.

The CG highlighted the progress being made to enhance border management systems, emphasizing the importance of adopting advanced technologies and strategies to safeguard the nation’s frontiers.

In a statement by the Immigration Spokesperson, Kenneth Udo, a copy of which was obtained by our correspondent on Sunday, the CG disclosed this during a recent tour of immigration commands in Lagos, Ogun, and other South-West states.

Nandap also urged service personnel to maintain professionalism, promising to prioritize their welfare.

Meanwhile, the Federal Government has announced plans to streamline Nigeria’s immigration process through the introduction of e-gate technology, as part of its broader efforts to modernise border management.

This was disclosed on Monday by the Minister of Interior, Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo, in a statement on his official Facebook page.

The minister presided over a presentation on the newly designed integrated border management system for the Nigeria Immigration Service, which combines expertise to enhance national security and facilitate seamless, legitimate travel into and out of the country.

He explained that e-gate technology is an automated border control system designed to ease the entry and exit of travellers at immigration checkpoints.

“At the heart of this system is our e-gate facility, which automates vetting processes and reduces passengers’ wait times during their entry into the country,” the minister stated.

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